Read this quote:

‘Thomas Jefferson argued in 1774 that the colonists were right to resist Parliamentary legislation and taxation because Britain had no imperium over Americans, except for that which the dominion established by the colonists themselves.’

To those of us who aren’t eighteenth-century constitutional historians: what does that mean, what does that say, and why does that matter at all?

The quote is from one of the chapters of my PhD thesis. My PhD looked at the British political response to the development of the American Revolution and, ultimately, American independence in 1776.

For me, this sentence sums up a large part of what my dissertation tried to prove, show, and highlight. For anyone not interested in British politics and the American Revolution, it likely means very little or nothing at all.

Who was Thomas Jefferson and why should we care? 1774 was an awfully long time ago: why does it matter what some dead white guy from then said? What is imperium and dominion? Who cares about legislation and taxation?

For me, and for other historians in my field, it says a lot that is significant, important and worthwhile to our research and investigations.

However, that’s not quite enough. In order for research to have wider impact – in order for it to be grasped, to be understood and to be taken on board by a general public – we as academics, as writers, as thinkers, have a duty to broaden our discussion. This is at the key of inter- and multidisciplinary communication.

No matter how niche our research topic (and eighteenth-century constitutional politics really is pretty niche!), we have a duty of explanation and public engagement.

So, why does my research here matter? Well, I look at the birth of America. I look at the ways in which American politics were shaped, framed and understood when America was creating itself. If you watched the recent American Presidential inauguration, you’ll have seen modern-day American politics on full display. If you’ve followed any of Trump’s presidency over the last four years, you’ll have seen the ways in which he upended many of the American political traditions and expectations.

Where did all of that come from? Where did those traditions and expectations begin in America? It all came from the period I look at: from the American Revolution. The Americans adopted many of their political norms from Britain, even as they declared independence from the British Crown. (Bluntly: the President was an elected monarch; the Senate was an elected House of Lords; the House of Representatives was an expanded House of Commons.)

To understand American politics now – and to understand a lot of why America does whatever America does – you have to understand the importance of the American Revolution to every-day Americans and to American politicians.

Thomas Jefferson was one of the American Founding Fathers. He wrote the American Declaration of Independence in 1776. From my quote above in 1774, even Jefferson wasn’t yet at the point of wanting to declare full independence from Britain. Instead, he was arguing that the British Crown – King George III (the one that later went mad) – ought to have power (imperium) over the people in America only through the various American assemblies (local parliaments). This power – this dominion – would give George III the legitimacy to rule the American colonies via their parliaments.

The whole argument and debate over the American Revolution came down to legitimate power. Did the British Parliament in Westminster have the right to govern, and to tax, the Americans? Did that power lie only with the Americans themselves? ‘No taxation without representation!’ was the cry that resounded around America, and all of that was to do with this crisis of legitimate power.

This idea of legitimate power granted via assemblies and parliaments was something quite new in the world. When Jefferson wrote the Declaration of Independence (1776), he said that people have the right to ‘life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness’. This right to liberty, thought the American Founding Fathers and think modern American politicians, comes and is guaranteed by the people choosing representatives via their local assemblies and parliaments.

So, let’s go back to think about that multidisciplinary communication. Yes, my research looks at eighteenth century taxation and legislation. Yes, I look at obscure British politicians that most of the world has never heard about. But when I step back and look at what my research does and how it contributes to the wider world, I see that there are so many important discussions about how our modern world works, and where all that comes from, that it’s easy to see the significance.

This is what we work on with our various [X] initiatives (see: https://www.talkaboutx.net). We encourage people to think about their research as something broader than a discussion just amongst their likeminded peers. We encourage students to engage with communicating and selling their research to a broader audience. We foster these inter-disciplinary conversations. We open up research to the public. We show off all the amazing, outstanding, world changing research undertaken at Glasgow, and we shout loudly about it all.

You can watch me, and my colleague Dr Scott Ramsay, talk about some of our research here:

Written by Dr Andrew Struan, Writing and Study Skills Co-ordinator